Coffee Break for Peace

Not much can be heard lately about the GPH-MILF Peace Talks. So let's have a coffee break, but not just an ordinary coffee break.

I've come across this website: coffeeforpeace.com.  Making use of coffee in promoting peace? Wow!

They are "a community of conscientious individuals who are passionate about business-for-profit, addressing social issues that concerns our farmers, our environment, and the peace situation in our land by advocating Fair Trade in the coffee industry."

Coffee for Peace reminds us that peace should be in our consciousness as ordinary (if you’re a coffee drinker like me) as we drink coffee.

So every time you drink coffee, say peace! I hope many coffee shops will promote this advocacy.

"Not's just another coffee. It's JUST coffee"

Newsbits:

Umbra Kato is totally out from the MILF. Can his group be another "MILF"? We'll see within a year or two. We should be reminded that MILF was once a breakaway group from the MNLF. If Umbra Kato has the education, ideology, and leadership of Hashim Salamat, he could gather more supporters, otherwise it will slowly fade. Also, one MSU Professor, in a forum few years ago, observed that every time a Moro group lowers its original demand from independence e.g. autonomy, there always emerges a new group (or a faction) demanding for independence. 

Congratulations to the success of the OPAPP celebration of Peace Month. It culminates with Rock for Peace. Let's celebrate peace in our hearts daily.

Opening Salvo?

There's a call for the GPH and MILF to declassify their proposals. As the third party facilitator tries to reconnect and bring back the two panels to the negotiating table, would opening these documents help build or break the talks?

One of the reasons why the proposals are kept in confidentiality is to give both panels flexibility to negotiate based on the issues and substance of the problem as to how they understand it, and not be influenced by the perceptions of the masses. Why involve people who may not be directly affected? Do the people from Batanes need to know the content of the substate and 3-for-1 proposals?

MOA-AD was declared unconstitutional due to the lack of consultation, and the negative perception of the Filipinos including those who are in Manila.. The negative perception is not based on the substance of the memorandum but on the pronouncements of the politicians and different interpretations of those opinion-makers.

Would declassifying these documents help the peace talks move forward? Since one of the proposals involve constitutional amendments, which to be decided by the Filipino people as a whole, perhaps it's time to declassify these documents. The Filipino people will be fully on-board on the process and not keep on guessing as to the content. This would also test the water whether the Filipino people are open for the substate concept. The fear of "independence" attached on the substate concept will be thoroughly evaluated by the people themselves. Should the 3-for-1 proposal of the Leonen panel be acceptable to the majority of the Bangsamoro people, then there might be reconsideration in the side of the MILF.

After having a talk with one peacemaker, I realized that the end-product of the negotiation should have one quality: "acceptability" to the Bangsamoro people. Whether its substate, 3-for-1, or [autonomy], since this includes a national issue (charter amendment) it should also add another quality: "acceptability" to the majority of the Filipinos as a whole, which requires a massive information campaign. Declassifying the documents could be a good start.

There was a raging storm after the MOA-AD initials, I hope this time the storm will be before the settlement signing.

Peace awareness in Kapeacetahan

Awareness is the starting point where change of behavior could take place. Positive awareness could motivate people to positively respond.

Before I didn't care about the Mindanao conflict as long as we were not affected directly. I live in one peaceful community in the province of Sarangani. We got no Muslim neighbors, which prevented me to understand how they live and behave.

By attending various forums  initiated by the UNYPAD, MUSA, and Young Moro Professionals in the University, I slowly learned what is their struggle all about.

That's why I find the peace awareness campaign of the OPAPP, the KAPEACETAHAN as equally important to the peace talks of the GPH and MILF. Massive awareness and education campaign is needed to augment and complement the talks. At the end, it will be the people who will decide, should there be a plebiscite on Constitutional Amendments. It will be the people, informed or not informed, will influence the actions of the politicians.

More programs like these are needed in the grassroots. There are many who are not yet aware of the conflict, and are deprived of an informed judgment.

Teach Peace

About 2800 Catholic educators gather in Davao to talk about peace. This is a good initiative as the church plays a major role in pursuing the peace process.

These people of influence will multiply as they share their insights on the current Peace Talks. One good result of this gathering is for each educator and clergy to reconsider and rethink their present perspective with regards to the Moros and the Bangsamoro struggle.

The Peacemakers: MILF Peace Panel

The MILF Peace Panel

Chairman: Mohagher Iqbal

photosource:dl.voanews.cn

Mohaqher Iqbal, 62, is Information Chief Officer of the MILF Central Committee. He is also known by another name, as Salah Jubair, author of the book, Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny and the 2006 book, The Long Road to Peace. Iqbal was panel chair from July 9, 2003 until the last agreement signed under the Arroyo administration on June 3, 2010. He was reappointed panel chair in early 2010.

Datu Michael O. Mastura

photos credit: cenpeg.org

Datu Michael O. Mastura, 69, is a lawyer and historian. He is also founding president of the Sultan Kudarat Islamic Academy Foundation in Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao. A delegate to the Constitutional Convention in 1971, he later served as Deputy Minister of Muslim Affairs. He has written several books on the Bangsamoro Struggle, among them “Muslim in the Philippines”, The Muslim Filipino Experience: A Collection of Essays (1984), Islam and Development (1980) and has recently completed a new book “Bangsamoro Quest: The Birth of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front” which will be off the press soon.

Mastura served as representative of the first district of Maguindanao. He is now referred to as “senior panel member”. He has been a panel member since 2001.

Maulana Alonto

Maulana Robert Alonto, writer and activist, has been a panel member since 2003. He used to edit a community newspaper. He is based in Lanao del Sur. In the early 1970s, Alonto was with the Northern Mindanao Revolutionary Committee of the Moro National Liberation Front tasked to handle propaganda and “like the other brothers had to fight in the Moro war of Liberation and defense against the Marcos dictatorship.

Abhoud Syed Lingga

Prof. Abhoud Syed Linga, 61, Executive Director of Institute of Bangsamoro Studies in Cotabato City, and Chair of the Bangsamoro People’s Consultative Assembly, is a new member of the peace panel. He is a member of the Board of Directors of the Datu Ibrahim Paglas Memorial College. Like Iqbal and Mastura, Lingga has written several papers on the Bangsamoro Struggle, published in the Philippines and abroad.

Abdulla U. Camlian

Abdulla U. Camlian, a Tausug-Sama Bangui-ngui from Zamboanga City and Basilan, is a former head of the MILF peace panel’s technical committee. A graduate of the Cairo Military Academy in 1965, Camlian founded that year the Green Guards, “an associate idealist Muslim youth…which eventually formed the nucleus of Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in Western Mindanao.” He served the Southern Philippines Development Authority for several years and in 1989 was Deputy Executive Director with the rank of Assistant Secretary, of the Office on Muslim Affairs under the first Aquino Administration.

In 1990, he was named as member of the Philippine Lobby Mission to the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in Baghdad, Iraq, in Riyad, Saudi Arabia, in Morocco and in Kuwait. He had been assigned also to head the Philippines delegation to the International Qur’an reading competitions in some ASEAN countries.

Datu Antonio Kinoc, a Blaan, is alternate member of the MILF peace panel.

Source: Page 11, Our Mindanao, Volume 1 Issue 1, December 2010.

This was distributed on the 2^nd National Solidarity Conference on Mindanao.

The Peacemakers: GPH Peace Panel*

Chair: Dean Marvic MVF Leonen

source:opapp.gov.ph

Panel Chair Dean Marvic MVF Leonen is the Dean of the University of the Philippines-College of Law. Last July 19, 2010, Dean Leonen was designated by President Benigno Simeon Aquino III as the panel chair for the Government Negotiating Panels for Talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).

Dean Leonen is expert in the fields of Constitutional Law, Agrarian Reform Law, Philippines Indigenous Law and Civil Procedure. He served as a regular faculty of the UP College of Law since 1989. His advocacy extends to areas of human rights, agrarian reform, ancestral domain and health. Apart from his active engagements in the field of law, he also served as the Vice-President for Legal Affairs and University General Counsel of the UP System.

He obtained his AB Economics (magna cumlaude) and Law Degree from UP and his Master of Laws from the College of Law of Columbia University in New York.

E-mail address: chairgrpmilftalks@gmail.com

Professor Miriam Coronel-Ferrer

source:up.edu.ph

The sole woman in the panel is professor of Political Science at the University of the Philippines-Diliman. Her areas of specialization are peace and conflict studies, human rights, and international humanitarian law, and comparative politics of Southeast Asia. Professor Ferrer was one of the 27 Filipina nominees to the 1000 Women for the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize nominations. She has written several books, and journal articles on peace process, civil society, and regional autonomy. Before joining the government panel, Ferrer was involved in various national and global peace campaigns and had served as visiting professor in several Asian universities.

E-mail address: mcf178@yahoo.com

Secretary Senen Bacani

bridgingleadership.aim.edu

Senen Bacani served as the Agriculture Secretary from 1990-1992, during the administration of Corazon Aquino. During his term, he was hailed as the Most Outstanding Cabinet Member by the Philippine Senate. Among his notable awards are the Benedictine Centennial Award for Outstanding Achievement in Agriculture (1995), Ernst and Young Entrepreneur of the Year (2006), La Sallian Achievement Award for Social Entrepreneurship (2008) and the 1^st Ramon V. del Rosario Sr. Award for Nation Building.

E-mail Address: scbacani@ultex.com.ph

Mayor Ramon Piang Sr.

photo source: synergeia.org.ph

Mayor Ramon Piang belongs to the Teduray tribe and has been active in the advancement of the rights of the indigenous peoples. He has served as the Mayor of Upi for three terms and has served as the Vice Mayor of the same town in June 2010. In April 2011, he again became the Mayor of Upi.

Mayor Piang was one of the Ten Outstanding Mayors in 2003 and was named the Most Exemplary Individual by the Ramon Aboitiz Foundation 3^rd Triennial Award in 2006. He has likewise paved the way for Upi to receive the following accolades: Kaagapay Seal of Excellence in Local Governments (2004), Gawad Galing Pook Award for Tri-people Way of Conflict Resolution (2004), Most Outstanding LGU for Bantugan (2010).

E-mail address: rap_upians@yahoo.com

* The profile was distributed during the 2nd National Solidarity Conference on Mindanao 2011.

The 2nd National Solidarity Conference on Mindanao Statement

FINDING THE COMMON GROUND IN THE GPH-MILF PEACE TALKS:

A View from the Stakeholders and Grassroots

We, the delegates of the 2nd National Solidarity Conference on Mindanao (NSCM II), representing religious leaders, business community, civil society organizations, indigenous peoples, women, youth, internally displaced persons and academe, gathered in Davao City on September 8-9, 2011 to tackle the theme, “The GPH-MILF Peace Talks: Finding the Common Ground;”

DEEPLY ENCOURAGED by the results of the latest Social Weather Stations (SWS) survey that 8 out of 10 Filipinos are hopeful that the GPH-MILF Peace Talks will result in a signing of a peace agreement; 

SERIOUSLY TAKE INTO ACCOUNT President Benigno Simeon Aquino III’s pronouncement that the strong political capital and public support that he now enjoys will be most effective up to 2013;  

STRONGLY AGREE with the statement of MILF Chairman Al Haj MuradEbrahim that “contentious and divisive issues in the peace negotiations can be resolved if both government and the MILF panels treat each other as partners instead of adversaries.”

With the unequivocal mandate from their principals to fast-track the negotiations, we believe that this is not the time for the parties to show off posturing or compete with each other’s intellectual prowess and superiority in terms of strategies and tactics in negotiation. This is the time to lay down the cards on the table, roll the sleeves up and start the work of honest, discerning and determined negotiations mindful of the following

PEACE OUTCOMES:

• Address the aspiration of the Bangsamoro people for self-governance in accordance with their distinct identity, culture, religion and way of life;
• Correct the imbalance of totality of relationship between Filipinos and Moros.
• Give due recognition and justice to the ancestral homeland of the Moros.
• Deliver good and effective governance, social services and foster economic development as soon as possible.
• Recognize the Moro aspiration for separate national identity while retaining their Filipino citizenship.
• Demilitarize, rehabilitate and normalize the situation in the conflict-affected areas.
• Filipinos and Moros share the fruits of peace and become partners in development.

MINDFUL of the long years of negotiations that have spanned four administrations -- Fidel Ramos, Joseph Estrada, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, and now under President Aquino - it is prudent and wise that the peace panels build and harness the gains of the negotiations by closely working on the consensus points as building blocks for a negotiated political settlement.  We are confident that both parties will not squander the long years of past negotiations by starting from scratch. 

LISTENING to the presentation of the GPH panel, and at the same time paying attention to those that have not been said, we feel that the GPH panel has not yet fully laid down its cards. While it was quick to state that this is part of the negotiation process, it will save a lot of time and energies if the GPH panel, which is in the position to give in this negotiation, will be able to respond squarely to the proposals of the MILF.  Having described its proposal as the starting point, it will be more productive and honestly different, if GPH lays down its proposal not only from the starting point but also up to the ending point in order to spare the parties from what could be an unnecessary guessing game;

HEARING also from the MILF Peace Panel, we feel that the act of rejecting outright the proposal of the government was not faithful to the mutual understanding of the principals to fast-track the negotiations.  We urge the MILF to return to the negotiating table without pre-condition, extend the hand of dialogue and move heaven and earth in order to fulfill the political aspirations of the Bangsamoro people.  It is by talking and negotiating that we are able to narrow the gaps of the two proposals at hand;

FINDING the common ground to move forward has not been an easy task for the NSCM2 considering the fact that the official proposals of both parties up to now remain confidential and inaccessible to ordinary stakeholders.   From the little knowledge that we have gathered and given the limited access to official documents actually exchanged in the formal talks, we believe that in order to find the common ground, it is imperative for both parties to address some procedural, psychological and substantive issues that impede the way towards the common ground, such as:

Psychological

• At this critical stage in the negotiation, it is important for the parties to increase confidence-building measures and cultivate the real essence of partnership that both the GPH and the MILF are proposing.  Accusations and counter-accusations will not help the seeming deadlock of positions.  “Talk to each other instead of talking about each other in the media” is the call of the day as suggested by the Bangsamoro civil society leaders.  This applies also to statements posted on social networking sites which spread like virus and are prone to misinterpretation and agitation.

• Pounding the rido problem on the MILF like it is a conditio sine qua non to negotiated political settlement does not improve the call to develop genuine partnership.  We believe that the peace mechanisms on the ground such as the Joint Coordinating Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities and the International Monitoring Team are much more effective and competent to deal with the ground issues while the peace panels focus their attention on bridging the substantive gaps of the proposals at hand.

Procedural

• The issue on which draft will be used as a working draft is for us irrelevant and counter-productive.  Why not use both drafts and from there develop the working draft together?  What is lacking in one draft can be filled in by the contents of the other draft and vice-versa.  This may sound too simplistic but as it stands now, there are two proposals on the table and both are not diametrically opposed but could actually feed on some gaps that each proposal may be found wanting.  For instance, as the two proposals stand, it cannot simply be a choice between  political solution or socio-economic development.  Both proposals can go together and will be mutually beneficial.  

• At this stage in the negotiation, we also remind the GPH panel to activate its Advisory Team especially those coming from the House of Congress and Senate and the Judiciary, so that the other branches of government will already be on board and will hopefully cooperate in the eventual legitimatization process of the peace agreement.

Substantive

• The Bangsamoro Commission as proposed by the GPH panel may be further developed and negotiated to address the task of “legalizing the peace agreement.”  Admittedly, there are proposals on the table that cannot pass the test of constitutionality, thus requiring possible amendments of the present constitution.  Representation in the Bangsamoro Commission as proposed by the GPH can be improved by ensuring that it will be led and determined by the Bangsamoro people taking into account participation in terms of gender, ethnic nationalities within Bangsamoro nation and sectoral interests.

Along these lines, the NSCM2 puts forward the following recommendations:

1.         For the parties to immediately return to the negotiating table and tackle the Draft MILF Comprehensive Compact and the GPH Three-for-One Solution with the end in view of bringing together provisions of the two proposals that are mutually acceptable to the parties.   We urge the parties to continue the efforts until they arrive at a mutually acceptable working draft. 

2.         Instead of debating what will be the name of the governing political entity – whether it will be a substate or a new, improved and reformed ARMM or “autonomy  in brackets” as described by the GPH panel – we recommend that the parties focus putting flesh and substance to the governance structure that will be suitable and acceptable to the Bangsamoro people.  The parties do not have to start from scratch here because the Draft Comprehensive Compact of the MILF has a very concrete proposal which can be further enhanced and reframed in a manner that can be easily understood by the layman.  Acknowledging the historical injustices committed against the Bangsamoro and indigenous peoples in Mindanao, as proposed by the GPH, is a very important element for healing and reconciliation.

This clearly resonates with the statement of President Aquino that "From the very beginning, the devil is in the details. Bakaiyong enhanced autonomy namin at sakaiyong sub-state nila, sapangalanmagkalayo, perosadetalye, bakamagkalapit. So, talagangitututoknatindoonsadetalye, ide-define ngbawatisangpanig, anobatalagaangposisyonnila, anobaiyongmgadetalye at palagaykomaramiangmakikitadoonnamagkakaparehas."

3.         To prevent a repeat of the Memorandum of Agreement (MOA-AD) of 2008,  we take the risk of being repetitious by reiterating the NSCM standing recommendation for the setting-up of a regular feedback mechanism and public consultations that should be institutionalized in the local government units, national government agencies, including the legislative and judicial branches of government.

FINALLY, for the GPH and MILF peace panels we pray that God will bestow upon you good health, wisdom, patience and creativity to become effective peacemakers.  We hope that your efforts will lead you to the common ground for a negotiated political settlement which will finally realize our shared aspirations for peace, justice, and social progress.  After doing everything that is humanly possible, we entrust everything to our Almighty God and seek out divine intervention that we may experience the joys of heaven, here on earth. 

Once again, we commit our skills, time, talents, energies, patience and creativity in order to fulfill the hopes of the majority of our people; that a peace agreement will not only be signed but also implemented during the term of President Aquino.  This is the best legacy that the son of Cory and Ninoy, our President, can give to the peoples in Mindanao.  

September 9, 2011, Davao City.

source:http://www.facebook.com/notes/mindanao-peoples-caucus/the-2nd-national-solidarity-conference-on-mindanao-statement/157288234360199

Mindanao Reader on the GPH-MILF Peace Talks

Good afternoon.

Kalinaw natong tanan.

Assalamu alaikum.

First I’d like to thank the organizers for having invited me in this forum. I will honestly share to you my thoughts on the present GPH-MILF peace talks from the perspective of a youth and student. I should confess that I’m no expert when it comes to the depth and width of the “Mindanao problem”, “Moro problem” or whatever you call it. Perhaps this is good because most of us the youth are not that informed or even aware on the complexities of this conflict and what are at stakes here. Hence, this presentation would represent the not-so-aware majority.

We are very busy uploading photos in facebook, downloading music and movies, and liking the statuses of our FB friends. Many of us also find pleasure in online games, DOTA, tetris, attending gigs, and malling. We can stay on-line for three hours or even more, but we’ll find it hard to stay in a two-hour forum on peace talks. As students, we are much focused in passing our subjects, getting good grades, in the hope that as we get good grades, we increase our chances of landing a good job in the future.

This is the sad reality of the status of most of the youth. We don’t seem to care on the events unfolding before our eyes, particularly the GPH-MILF peace talks. Of course, not all. I’ve also met fellow young people who care about this peace talks. But I could conclude they belong to the critical few.

In Mindanao State University-General Santos, the discussion on peace talks is limited within the classrooms---for those who are taking up AB Sociology, AB History, AB Political Science, AB Islamic Studies, and for those who are taking up History 3 (The History of Mindanao, Sulu, Palawan and Indigenous Peoples). I surmise that most of those who are taking up business, engineering, agriculture, education, and vocational courses are not interested in the peace talks. Perhaps it’s because they couldn’t connect the implications of peace talks vis-à-vis their daily living. The challenge for us, youth leaders is to provide venue for discussion to take place in a forum, seminar, or discussion group. These we will be doing this month and so on in various universities in Mindanao under Mindanao-one Youth Volunteers for Peace Network. It’s a newly organized group composed of campus and community youth leaders. It aims to “support the on-going GPH-MILF peace negotiations and ensure that the interests and welfare of the youth are reflected in the final agreement by influencing the process through advocacy work.”

But despite of the sad reality I’ve just mentioned, I still believe that the youth has a big role to play in the peace talks. Recognizing this, Prof. Cesar Adib Majul dedicated his book, Muslims in the Philippines, to the Muslim youth. Hashim Salamat also once said “we have planted the seeds of Jihad (struggle) and even if we pass away, the Bangsamoro people will carry on that Jihad towards the attainment of the goals and objectives of our struggle.” On this I believe he had the youth in mind.

We shall inherit whatever the result of this peace talks. It’s either you leave us a Mindanao where we (Muslims, Christian settlers, Indigenous peoples) could peacefully co-exist in the spirit of tolerance and justice; or you bequeath us a Mindanao filled with bloodshed and confusion, with people wallowing in a dire poverty and with my Bangsamoro friends carrying arms to continue the struggle.

It is the youth who are “severely affected by the conflicts as these could have limited the future possibilities for more peaceful and cooperative relations within society. It is indeed the youth who will play a key role in determining the relations in society will be more harmonious.” (Madelene Sta. Maria, 2003)

That’s why we are participating, and I’m one of those who responded to the call, realizing how great what is at stake here.

The GPH-MILF Peace Talks

As a student observer of the GPH-MILF peace talks, I am hopeful that both panels could come up with a win-win negotiated political settlement. I continue to hope taking into consideration what a deadlock or collapse of the negotiation could possibly result to. For those who are starting to lose patience in the negotiation, let us be reminded of Anwar Sadat, former President of Egypt, who once said, “Whenever the Israelis created problems during the peace negotiations, calculate again how much war had cost Egypt and Arab world since 1948.” (Sadat, 2009) In the Mindanao context, whenever there are problems or misunderstanding in the negotiation, calculate again how much war had cost Mindanao (and the whole Philippines) since 1970 (or even earlier than that).

The study of Campo and Judd (Salvatore Shchiavo-Ocampo, 2005)  revealed the following estimated cost of war since 1970’s:

•  About $ 2-3 Billion in direct economic costs
•     An estimated 120, 000 deaths and uncounted numbers of wounded and disabled;
•    Displacement of more than two million people, of whom almost half in 2000 alone, during President Estrada’s “all-out-war”;
• The emergence of “Muslim ghettoes” in various cities in Mindanao and elsewhere in the country made up of displaced persons and individuals forced out of their areas of residence owing to the disappearance of employment opportunities caused by the conflict;
• The exodus of illegal Muslim migrants to the neighboring state of Sabah, Malaysia;
•    Increased incidence of poverty;

Not to mention the psychological effects on the children who lost a father, a mother, a brother or a sister. That cannot be quantified. Also, the loss of opportunity to education: how can we go to school if there’s war in our place.

Patience. Calculate once again.

How the MILF sees it

Upon listening to the news and reading related literature, this is how the MILF sees the problem, or at least my belief on how they see it.

The problem is sovereignty-based. We were once sovereign with our Sultanates. Mindanao is our home. We were never once conquered. Where were you Filipinos when we were fighting against the Spaniards and Americans? We are not the foreigners in our own land. There were attempts also to eliminate us using ILAGA’s. We were massacred during Martial Law. Our culture, religion, and identity were not respected. With government policy, we were systematically marginalized and driven away from our lands, and were considered “second-class citizens without any role in national decision-making”. We suffer injustices in this government. And we could allow it any longer. And so we arm ourselves. We defend our identity and reclaim our sovereignty.

We are not even given the chance to determine our own future and political status. We are fighting for our right to self-determination, a right that is even recognized by the United Nation.

With regards to the ARMM, it is found wanting. It’s not autonomy at all. It does not fully embody the desires and aspirations of the Bangsamoro people. What we are fighting now is what those lacking in the ARMM: ancestral domain, genuine self-governance, resources-sharing.

And truth be told, much as you want, we don’t want another war. We don’t want to pass this on to the next generation. We want this to be resolved in our time. And so we are submitting this Comprehensive Compact in the negotiating table. This embodies the desires and aspirations of the Bangsamoro people.

We no longer demand Independence, but a “symmetrical substate-state relationships, wherein powers of the Central Government and state government are clearly stated, aside from those powers [on which we shall] jointly exercise; like Hongkong-China relationship. This had already been utilized as way to resolve conflicts in South Sudan and Northern Ireland.

In resources, we demand 75-25 sharing in favor of the substate within the ancestral domain. This is just but modest demand. Stop the oil exploration in Liguasan Marsh and in Sulu Sea, as the negotiation continues.

With regards to the MILF combatants, we don’t want them to integrate in the PNP or AFP like what was done to MNLF. They shall be the security force who shall maintain the peace and order in the substate.

T

his is a win-win solution “that would benefit not only Moros and the Indigenous peoples, but also the Filipinos and government.” If you accept this as a working paper, we could fast-track the negotiation and resolve this decades-old conflict.

And so the MILF submitted this Comprehensive Compact last February 9-10 during the 20^th GPH-MILF Exploratory talks.  On the 21^st Exploratory Talks (April 27-28, 2011), the GPH raised some queries regarding the Comprehensive Compact. It was then that they agreed that the GPH shall present their counter-proposal on the succeeding meeting. Then came the June 27-28 meeting, the GPH failed or deferred to present their counter-proposal, to the disappointment of the civil society and other stakeholders. The civil society released a position paper urging the GPH to submit its proposal.

On August 4, the nation was surprised that the President Aquino himself met with Chairman Al-Haj Murad in Tokyo, Japan. This increased the trust and confidence of the stakeholders and the MILF to the Pnoy Government. What was discussed in that meeting was confidential, but both agreed to fast-track the negotiation.

August 22-23, the 22^nd Exploratory Talks, was the much-awaited date. In was in this time that the GPH submitted its counter-proposal. In the morning of that day (August 22), the OPAPP posted in their website the 11 Characteristics of the Government’s Counter-Proposal. And so I commented to myself, the negotiation might take a little longer. The MILF will surely be disappointed by this proposal.

This is how the government intends to solve the Mindanao Problem based on the 11 characteristics presented as I understand it. It’s like they are saying:

Putting aside your compact, we are presenting our counter-proposal, “an honestly different one”. This proposal contains a formula to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in our country.”

(1)You can trust this government and its good governance. We are sincere in dealing with you unlike the past administration. We would like to improve the quality of the lives of the people in partnership with you and rest assured that the Government will make use of the agencies to address the economic and social services for the Bangsamoro people.

(4 & 2)Let’s do the doables first. Let’s strengthen our relationship, develop understanding among Muslims and Christians and we’ll talk about the necessary Constitutional amendments in the future. Let’s not talk about the contentious issue yet on ancestral domain and substate concept.

(3)We are offering a solution that everybody will be happy: the MNLF, MILF, LGU’s. You should try to understand us that we are not dealing with the MILF alone, but with so many stakeholders. We are careful this time not to repeat the MOA-AD debacle. To reiterate, let’s work hand in hand to improve the socio-economic lives of our people.

(7)Let’s improve the ARMM and empower the Bangsamoro leaders. The ARMM per se is not a failure, though it has its own limitations. We should also consider that it failed partly because of its leaders and the national government. We will grant you a genuine autonomy where you could exercise your self-rule, etc, but please don’t insist on the substate yet. We can amend the ARMM organic act, to pave the way for a genuine autonomy.

(10)The substate proposal would not solve the problem. Let’s study this first and consult more stakeholders. Until we have a thorough consultation on this and increase of awareness on what is this all about, we cannot be with you on this substate. But please be assured that we understand the historical underpinnings of your proposal and your struggle for right to self-determination.

(11)We recognize your identity and history. We assure you that there shall be necessary retelling of your history which shall include its comprehensive narrative. We shall rewrite our books on history especially in the elementary and secondary education.

My guess is that the Government is trying to solve the Mindanao problem by addressing the socio-economic needs of the Bangsamoro people through a reformed and enhanced ARMM, in partnership with MILF and possibly with the MNLF. It’s hitting two birds in one stone. Constitutional amendment, to pave the way for substate, is not a priority of the Pnoy administration.

The MILF on the other hand has this reply: we’ve been there. Socio-economic services, ARMM…it didn’t work. Dropping our bid for independence, substate is our minimum demand to address our struggle for right to self-determination. We already agreed to talk about the ancestral domain with the last administration as one of the consensus points, and now you’re easily putting it aside without even commenting on the Comprehensive Compact?

 Finding the Common Ground

The best thing that happened with the latest exploratory talks is this: it unveiled the thoughts of the government. Now starts the real negotiation. Where do we go from here? What is the common ground?

On this may I express out my humble opinions:

1.      Both panels need to be more patient. MILF has been negotiating for the past fourteen years. Perhaps they won’t mind adding a year or two in trying to come up with a win-win solution. The GPH panels are new. The Pnoy administration is more than a year old. This should be taken into consideration by the MILF. They are not talking to Mr. Silvestre Afable and GMA. They are talking to new minds, with new different framework.

2.       Both sides should maintain their trust and confidence, avoiding unnecessary remarks in the media which might cause misunderstanding with the other party.

3.      Lay down to the table the two proposals. How about both sides making comment to each other’s proposals at least, and explain why the substantial points are negotiable or non-negotiable.

4.      A third party may conduct a thorough research to determine what really is the perception of the Bangsamoro people in the ARMM with regards to the proposed substate.  Should this be confirmed that it’s the desires of the large majority of the Bangsamoro, then the Government might reconsider her position.  Until now this presentor still wonders if this really is what the people from Sulu, Tawi-tawi, Marawi, Maguindanao, etc, wanted.

5.      Solidify the relationship between the MNLF-MILF. This is the missing link in the negotiation (in our desire for a peaceful Mindanao). Can the negotiated political settlement produce a lasting peace without the role of the MNLF in the process or at the outcome? How is the tri-partite review on the 1996 Final Peace Agreement going on? Can we have a peaceful Mindanao without the unity of the Bangsamoro people, specifically MILF and MNLF? Chair Murad and Chair Misuari should start talking to each other for the sake of the Bangsamoro people whom they both claim to legitimately represent. This perhaps is the main reason why the government doesn’t consider the proposed substate as a viable solution.

6.      Can the civil society at least have a copy of the Government’s 3-for-1 proposal or its substantial points? Yes I understand the importance of the confidentiality of the negotiation to give both panels flexibility. But at this point in time, most of the Filipinos at least have an idea on the proposed substate stipulated in the Comprehensive Compact through media, while we don’t have any specific details of the Government’s. This is for the Civil Society to have an informed recommendation and not be left out on the development of the talks.

In closing, real negotiation has just started. This is the chance of Chair Murad and Pnoy to effect a just and lasting peace in Mindanao; same with Mr. Iqbal and Mr. Leonen. War is not an option. It should not be an option. Let the negotiation continue. We the youth are supporting the peace process together with all of you who are attending here.

I believe we can have peace in Mindanao. Paraphrasing Jimmy Carter’s statement--The blood of Abraham, God’s father of the chosen, still flows in the veins of Bangsamoro and Christian settlers in Mindanao, and too much of it has already been spilled. The spilled blood in the Land of Promise still cries out to God---an anguished cry for peace. “It is time to replace anguish with joy and celebration.” (Carter, 2009)

Peace is within reach. God bless Mindanao.

Thank you for listening.

Works Cited

Carter, J. (2009). My Hope For Peace. New York: Simon & Schuster.

The original text: The Blood of Abraham, God's father of the chosen, still flows in the veins of Arab, Jew, and Christian, and too much of it has been spilled grasping for the inheritance of the revered patriarch in the Middle East. The spilled blood in the Holy Land still cries out to God--an anguished cry for peace. It is time to replace anguish with joy.

Madelene Sta. Maria, P. (2003). The Filipino Youth's Participation in Conflict (A Paper Presented in the Conference on Global Perspectives on Youth Conflict, March 10-14, 2003). Retrieved March 28, 2011, from web.gc.cuny.edu/globalyouth/Chapters/StMaria.doc

Sadat, J. (2009). My Hope for Peace. New Yok City: Free Press.

Salvatore Shchiavo-Ocampo, M. J. (2005, February). The Mindanao Conflict in the Philippines: Roots, Costs, and Peace Dividend. Retrieved March 28, 2011, from www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/.../WP24_Web.pdf

The text on 11 Characteristics of the GPH 3 for 1 proposal was retrieved at OPAPP.gov.ph

The text on 11 Features of the MILF Comprehensive compact was retrieved from Mindanews.com

 This piece was shared by a youth representative during the Second National Solidarity Conference on Mindanao on September 8, 2011, 5^th Floor, Karpentrade Bldg, Mac Arthur High, Matina, Davao City. The event was jointly initiated by Mindanao People’s Caucus, Bishops Ulama Conference, Philippine Council of Evangelical Churches, Mindanao Solidarity Network, Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society, and International Alert.